KEY TAKEAWAYS​​​​​​​

1. The Indo-Pacific has become a battleground for power and influence. China’s vision for the Indo-Pacific is based on its own rules and order to achieve its ‘unilateral’ interests. This, in turn, has an impact on all other States in the region. This is what brings us together to discuss the Dragon in the room.
2. Over the past century China has grown by leaps and bounds; emerging from the disasters of the Great Leap Forward and the Tiananmen Square to becoming a major maritime power under the present leadership of President Xi Jinping. While China’s rise is widely apparent to the international community, its means of attaining the same still remain an enigma.
3. The Russia-Ukraine conflict has shown us that the status quo of the international order must not be taken for granted. Therefore, decoding the intentions and strategies of a major player like China is essential to avoid the possibility of such conflicts.
4. India’s maritime policy is best encapsulated by the acronym SAGAR, which stands for Security And Growth for All in the Region. It is not, in and of itself, a strategy but an idea within which there are strategies designed to achieve India’s Core National Interest, that is the, economic, material, and societal wellbeing of the people of India.
5. The EU’s and Germany’s Indo-Pacific Strategy is aimed at deepening partnerships, diversifying relations, lowering dependency on China, and focusing on non-traditional maritime security threats such as climate change. This includes extending CRIMARIO to Southeast Asia, undertaking information sharing, training, capacity building, creating a framework for regional cooperation, amongst others.
6. Importantly, the Indo-Pacific is not a priority of every Member State of the EU, the organisation therefore relies on voluntary contributions by members. Arguably, the Russia-Ukraine conflict could derail the EU’s efforts in this respect as a large share of the EU’s Peace Facility budget has been dedicated to support Ukraine, reflecting a limitation in the EU’s actions despite the will for the same. The region’smajor players must, therefore, frequently remind the EU of the merits of continuing to implement its strategies in the Indo-Pacific.
7. Similar to the EU’s Indo-Pacific Strategy, India has unequivocally declared that its engagement in the Indo-Pacific Region will be inclusive, pluralistic, cooperative and collaborative, open and transparent, and will promote dialogue, a respect for established and consensually-derived international law, and a democratic and rules-based international order in which all nations, small and large, thrive as equal and sovereign.
8. Of course, there are several outstanding challenges in establishing a rules-based international order, including varying views and interpretations among countries and alliances on as to what constitutes a “rules-based order” and what would be the “rules”. Expectedly, there is also significant pushback from authoritarian regimes across the world.
9. China, evidently, does not share the idea of establishing a rules-based international order. China’s maritime policies may be encapsulated by Yang Jiechi’s quote which reads, “China is a big country and you are a small country, and that is a fact.”This philosophical approach explains China’s attitude towards others countries which is based not on comity and co-respect but one which is driven by its belief that China is the middle kingdom, surrounded by barbarian States whose sole purpose of existence is to pay obeisance and tribute, in one or another form, to China.
10. China’s political interventions in the region typically have two attributes, one is socialisation, and the other is ‘norm changing’.

a. Socialisation at home is achieved through inculcating a strong sense of self perception that China is or is destined to become a great power. There is also a significant push for socialisation abroad through multiple mediums including public media, academic scholarships in educational institutes, MoUs with governmental and non-governmental organisations, and high-level political meetings.

b. Attempts at ‘norm changing’ abroad could be seen through China’s persistent efforts to establish strong relations with Madagascar and Sri Lanka. While the efforts are publicly promulgated to be concentrated on economic development, poverty eradication, etc., the not-so-implicit goals are to promote Chinese ideologies and the Chinese model of political governance, and to ensure continued cooperation from the two island countries as a compensation for the economic investments.

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