Single title
Lady Thatcher (frühere britische Premierministerin)
We have lost a great president, a great American and a great man, and I have lost a dear friend. In his lifetime, Ronald Reagan was such a cheerful and invigorating presence that it was easy to forget what daunting historic tasks he set himself. He sought to mend America's wounded spirit, to restore the strength of the free world and to free the slaves of Communism. In the terrible hours after the attempt on his life, his easy jokes gave reassurances to an anxious world. They were evidence that in the aftermath of terror, and in the midst of hysteria, one great heart at least remained sane and jocular. They were truly grace under pressure. And perhaps they signified grace of a deeper kind. Ronnie himself certainly believed that he had been given back his life for a purpose.
As he told a priest after his recovery, "Whatever time I've got left now belongs to the big fellow upstairs." And surely it is hard to deny that Ronald Reagan's life was providential when we look at what he achieved in the eight years that followed. Others prophesied the decline of the West; he inspired America and its allies with renewed faith in their mission of freedom. Others saw only limits to growth; he transformed a stagnant economy into an engine of opportunity. Others hoped at best for an uneasy cohabitation with the Soviet Union; he won the cold war not only without firing a shot, but also by inviting enemies out of their fortress and turning them into friends. I can't imagine how any diplomat or any dramatist could improve on his words to Mikhail S. Gorbachev at the Geneva summit: "Let me tell you why it is we distrust you." Those words are candid and tough and they cannot have been easy to hear, but they're also a clear invitation to a new beginning and a new relationship that will be rooted in trust. We live today in the world that Ronald Reagan began to reshape with those words. It is a very different world with different challenges and new dangers. All in all, however, it is one of greater freedom and prosperity, one more hopeful than the world he inherited on becoming president.
Mr. Brian Mulroney (früherer Premierminister Kanadas)
In one of his poems, (Thomas D'Arcy) McGee, thinking of his birthplace, wrote poignantly, "Am I remembered in Erin?/I charge you speak me true!/Has my name a sound, a meaning/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''as my name a sound, a meaning/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' my name a sound, a meaning/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''y name a sound, a meaning/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''name a sound, a meaning/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''me a sound, a meaning/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' a sound, a meaning/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' sound, a meaning/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ound, a meaning/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''nd, a meaning/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'', a meaning/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''a meaning/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And w e know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''meaning/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''aning/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ing/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''g/In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''In the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' the scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''he scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' scenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''cenes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''nes my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''s my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''my boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' boyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''oyhood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notio n de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''hood knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''od knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' knew?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''new?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''w?" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''" Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''Ronald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''nald Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ld Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' Reagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''eagan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''gan will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''n will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''will not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ll not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, pro vided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' not have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ot have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' have to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ave to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''e to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''to worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' worry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''orry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ry about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' about Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''bout Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ut Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' Erin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''rin because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''n because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. The y did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''because they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''cause they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''use they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''e they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''they remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ey remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' remember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''emember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ember him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ber him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''r him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''him well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''m well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''well and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ll and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' and affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''nd affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' affectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ffectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ectionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''tionately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''onately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ately there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ely there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''y there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''there. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ere. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''e. Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' Indeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ndeed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''eed they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''d they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the sc hool of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''they do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ey do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' do. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''o. From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' From Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''rom Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''m Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''Erin to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''in to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' to Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''o Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''Estonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''tonia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''nia, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''a, from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' from Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He reall y has a sense of the state about him.''rom Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''m Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''Maryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ryland to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''land to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''nd to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' to Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''o Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''Madagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''dagascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''gascar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''scar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ar, from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'', from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''from Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''om Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' Montreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ontreal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''treal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''eal to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''l to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''to Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' Monterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''onterey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''terey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''rey, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''y, Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' Ronald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''onald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ald Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''d Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''Reagan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''agan does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''an does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' does not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''oes not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belie f that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''s not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''not enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''t enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''enter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ter history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''r history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''history tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''story tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ory tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''y tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''tentatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ntatively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''atively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ively. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ely. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''y. Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' Some in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ome in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''e in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism a s a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''in the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' the West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''he West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' West, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''est, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''t, during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' during the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''uring the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ing the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''g the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''the early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''e early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''early 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''rly 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''y 1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''1980's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''80's, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'''s, believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'', believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''believed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral eq uivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''lieved Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''eved Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ed Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' Communism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ommunism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''munism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''nism and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''sm and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' and democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''nd democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' democracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''emocracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ocracy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''racy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''cy were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' were equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ere equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''e equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''equally valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ually valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''lly valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''y valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''valid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''lid and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''d and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''and viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''d viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''viable. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''able. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''le. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''. This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''This was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''is was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' was the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''as the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' the school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''he school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' school of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''chool of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ool of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''l of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''of moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' moral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I al ways thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''oral equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''al equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' equivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''quivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ivalence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''alence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ence. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ce. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''. In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''In contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' contrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ontrast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''trast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ast, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''t, Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' Ronald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''onald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ald Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''d Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''Reagan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''agan saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''an saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' saw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''aw Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understandi ng of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' Soviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''oviet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''iet Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''t Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''Communism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''mmunism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''unism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ism as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''m as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''as a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' a menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' menace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''enace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ace to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''e to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''to be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' be confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''e confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''confronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''nfronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ronted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''nted in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ed in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' in the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''n the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''the genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, Preside nt Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''e genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''genuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''nuine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ine belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''e belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''belief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''lief that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ef that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' that its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''hat its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''t its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''its squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''s squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''squalid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ualid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''lid underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''d underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''underpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''derpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''rpinnings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''innings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''nings would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ngs would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''s would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''would fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''uld fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''d fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''fall swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ll swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day , in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' swiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''wiftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ftly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ly to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' to the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''o the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''the gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''e gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''gathering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''thering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ering winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ing winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''g winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''winds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''nds of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''s of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''of freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'' freedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''reedom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''edom, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''om, provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.'', provided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. 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One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ided, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ed, as he said, that NATO and the industrialized democracies stood firm and united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. 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I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''united. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''ited. They did. And we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. 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I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''d we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''we know now who was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. 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I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''o was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''was right. I always thought that President Reagan's understanding of the nobility of the presidency coincided with that American dream. One day, in Brussels, President Mitterrand, in referring to President Reagan, said, "Il a vraiment la notion de l'état"; rough translation: "He really has a sense of the state about him.''s right. 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The translation does not fully capture the profundity of the observation. What President Mitterrand meant is that there is a vast difference between the job of president and the role of president. Ronald Reagan fulfilled both with elegance and ease, embodying himself that unusual alchemy of history and tradition and achievement and inspirational conduct and national pride that defined the special role the president of the United States of America must assume at all times at home and around the world.
Former President George Bush
Our friend was strong and gentle. Once he called America hopeful, big hearted, idealistic, daring, decent and fair. That was America and, yes, our friend. And next, Ronald Reagan was beloved because of what he believed. He believed in America so he made it his shining city on a hill. He believed in freedom so he acted on behalf of its values and ideals. He believed in tomorrow so the great communicator became the great liberator. He talked of winning one for the Gipper, and as president, through his relationship with Mikhail Gorbachev, with us today, the Gipper, and, yes, Mikhail Gorbachev, won one for peace around the world. If Ronald Reagan created a better world for many millions it was because of the world someone else created for him. Nancy was there for him always. Her love for him provided much of his strength, and their love together transformed all of us as we've seen - renewed seeing again here in the last few days. And one of the many memories we all have of both of them is the comfort they provided during our national tragedies. Whether it was the families of the crew of the Challenger shuttle or the U.S.S. Stark or the Marines killed in Beirut, we will never forget those images of the president and first lady embracing them and embracing us during times of sorrow. So, Nancy, I want to say this to you: Today, America embraces you. We open up our arms. We seek to comfort you, to tell you of our admiration for your courage and your selfless caring. As his vice president for eight years, I learned more from Ronald Reagan than from anyone I encountered in all my years of public life. I learned kindness; we all did. I also learned courage; the nation did. Who can forget the horrible day in March 1981, he looked at the doctors in the emergency room and said, "I hope you're all Republicans." And then I learned decency; the whole world did. Days after being shot, weak from wounds, he spilled water from a sink, and entering the hospital room aides saw him on his hands and knees wiping water from the floor. He worried that his nurse would get in trouble. The Good Book says humility goes before honor, and our friend had both, and who could not cherish such a man? And perhaps as important as anything, I learned a lot about humor, a lot about laughter. And, oh, how President Reagan loved a good story. When asked, "How did your visit go with Bishop Tutu?" he replied, "So-so." It was typical. It was wonderful.
President George W.Bush
It has been 10 years since he said his own farewell, yet it is still very sad and hard to let him go. Ronald Reagan belongs to the ages now, but we preferred it when he belonged to us. In a life of good fortune, he valued above all the gracious gift of his wife, Nancy. During his career, Ronald Reagan passed through a thousand crowded places, but there was only one person, he said, who could make him lonely by just leaving the room. America honors you, Nancy, for the loyalty and love you gave this man on a wonderful journey and to that journey's end. Today, our whole nation grieves with you and your family. When the sun sets tonight off the coast of California and we lay to rest our 40th president, a great American story will close. The second son of Nell and Jack Reagan first knew the world as a place of open plains, quiet streets, gas-lit rooms and carriages drawn by horse. If you could go back to the Dixon, Ill., of 1922, you'd find a boy of 11 reading adventure stories at the public library or running with his brother Neil along Rock River, and coming home to a little house on Hennepin Avenue. That town was the kind of place he remembered where you prayed side by side with your neighbors. And if things were going wrong for them, you prayed for them and knew they'd pray for you if things went wrong for you. The Reagan family would see its share of hardship, struggle and uncertainty.
And out of that circumstance came a young man of steadiness, calm and a cheerful confidence that life would bring good things. The qualities all of us have seen in Ronald Reagan were first spotted 70 and 80 years ago. As the lifeguard in Lowell Park, he was the protector, keeping an eye out for trouble. As a sports announcer on the radio, he was the friendly voice that made you see the game as he did. As an actor he was the handsome all-American good guy, which in his case required knowing his lines and being himself. Along the way certain convictions were formed and fixed in the man. Ronald Reagan believed that everything happens for a reason and that we should strive to know and do the will of God. He believed that the gentleman always does the kindest thing. He believed that people were basically good and had the right to be free. He believed that bigotry and prejudice were the worst things a person could be guilty of. He believed in the Golden Rule and in the power of prayer. He believed that America was not just a place in the world, but the hope of the world.
And he believed in taking a break now and then, because, as we said, there's nothing better for the inside of a man than the outside of a horse. Ronald Reagan spent decades in the film industry and in politics, fields known on occasion to change a man. But not this man. From Dixon to Des Moines to Hollywood to Sacramento to Washington, D.C., all who met him remembered the same sincere, honest, upright fellow. Ronald Reagan's deepest beliefs never had much to do with fashion or convenience. His convictions were always politely stated, affably argued, and as firm and straight as the columns of this cathedral. There came a point in Ronald Reagan's film career when people started seeing a future beyond the movies. The actor Robert Cummings recalled one occasion: "I was sitting around the set with all these people and we were listening to Ronnie, quite absorbed. I said, 'Ron, have you ever considered some day becoming president?' He said, 'President of what?' 'President of the United States,' I said. And he said, 'What's the matter? Don't you like my acting either?' " The clarity and intensity of Ronald Reagan's convictions led to speaking engagements around the country, and a new following he did not seek or expect. He often began his speeches by saying, "I'm going to talk about controversial things." And then he spoke of Communist rulers as slave masters, of a government in Washington that had far overstepped its proper limits, of a time for choosing that was drawing near.
In the space of a few years, he took ideas and principles that were mainly found in journals and books and turned them into a broad, hopeful movement ready to govern. As soon as Ronald Reagan became California's governor, observers saw a star in the west, tanned, well-tailored, in command and on his way. In the 1960's his friend Bill Buckley wrote, "Reagan is indisputably a part of America, and he may become a part of American history." Ronald Reagan's moment arrived in 1980. He came out ahead of some very good men, including one from Plains and one from Houston. What followed was one of the decisive decades of the century as the convictions that shaped the president began to shape the times. He came to office with great hopes for America. And more than hopes. Like the president he had revered and once saw in person, Franklin Roosevelt, Ronald Reagan matched an optimistic temperament with bold, persistent action. President Reagan was optimistic about the great promise of economic reform, and he acted to restore the rewards and spirit of enterprise. He was optimistic that a strong America could advance the peace, and he acted to build the strength that mission required. He was optimistic that liberty would thrive wherever it was planted, and he acted to defend liberty wherever it was threatened.
Mr. John C. Danforth (früherer Senator)
Winthrop (John Winthrop, the Pilgrim leader) believed that the eyes of the world would be on America because God had given us a special commission, so it was our duty to shine forth. The Winthrop message became the Reagan message. It rang of optimism, and we longed to hear it, especially after the dark years of Vietnam and Watergate. It was a vision with policy implications. America could not hide its light under a bushel. It could not turn in on itself and hunker down. Isolationism was not an option; neither was protectionism. We must champion freedom everywhere. We must be the beacon for the world.