The press, radio and television of Ukraine are gradually overcoming the state of deep crisis. Although, as a result of advertising market growth the amount of independent publications increased, there are still many problems left. Most of mass media represent the interests of one or another financial and political group. Unfortunately, very overestimated figures of newspaper editions, biased popularity ratings, grants and sponsoring payments for so called information support are becoming a norm. No one any more is surprised at the publishing of advertising materials as editorial ones, and that is, what the whole world considers being a journalist crime.

The frame conditions of national press, radio and television functioning are one of the most important questions which should be solved for successful development of democracy in Ukraine. It’s necessary to point out that Ukrainian legislation pays enough attention to this problem. Ukraine takes one of the first places among postSoviet countries for the quantity and quality of laws dedicated to mass media. In principle, it looks like in legal sphere Ukrainian media activity is well regulated and can function normally as well. But the level of practical application of these laws unfortunately is not sufficient. That means that the laws in media sphere are not implemented in the full measure. Laws which exist but not function, sadly, are not beneficial to the

society.

When we speak about liberty of speech threats, in our opinion the main threat is difficult economic state of mass media. Many owners use mass media as means of influence on society and power but not for making profit. In such a way, when investing money into media business, most of investors treat this activity as an auxiliary in

relation to their main business. That is why no one is surprised at selling popular editions for dumping prices (especially during election campaigns) which may never lead to self-repayment. Moreover, media unprofitableness, though it may sound paradoxically, is beneficial to their owners. The journalists are easier controlled, when they

know that their salary depends directly not on the audience and advertisement but on the contribution of the owner. At the end it is the crisis state of editions that results in spreading of such a phenomenon as a hidden advertisement. Under such conditions, lots of critical materials in media is not the indicator of speech liberty, but fulfillment of the shareholders’ or sponsors’ orders aimed at destruction of their business or political

rivals. That means that a big amount of media is not a means of audience informing, but the influence tool of financial and political groups. In such a way the interests of society are put on the second place.

On the whole, Ukraine is living through uneasy times of its development. Ukrainian journalists still don’t have the same rights and liberties which their colleagues have in developed democratic countries. The process of formation of independent press continues. Outer pluralism of Ukrainian media content doesn’t always guarantee inner pluralism. Unfortunately, we should state the fact that such important for civil democratic society formation steps as: media privatization, public speech creation, efficient anti-monopoly policy in media sphere haven’t been done in Ukraine yet.

Valeriy Ivanov

Professor, Doctor of Philology, President of Ukrainian Press Academy.

Nico Lange

Head of the KAS Office in the Ukraine

CONTENT

1. Tatiana Kotyuzhynska. Legal provisions regulating the Ukrainian media sector p. 6

2. Volodymyr Yermolenko. Ukrainian TV : overview p. 10

3. Oleg Chomenok. Print Media: overview p. 16

4. Vitaliy Moroz . Social Media: overview p. 21

5. Valery Ivanov. Journalism education p. 27

6. Oksana Voloshenuk.Tatiana Kotyuzhynska. Activities of civil society media organizations p. 31