Power in Progress

The participation of women in leadership positions in governance processes in Kenya has grown significantly over the last two decades. In 2024, the number of female MPs increased by 30% - yet women remain significantly underrepresented across all political and administrative levels.[1] The Kenyan constitution of 2010 marked a legal milestone with the introduction of the so-called Two-Thirds Gender Rule: no gender should make up more than two-thirds of the members of a public body.[2] However, despite this constitutional obligation, the proportion of women in leadership positions is stagnating at an alarmingly low level.[3] In July 2025, women held only 23.3% of seats in the National Assembly, while constituting over 50% of Kenya’s population.[4] Beyond numerical underrepresentation, the pathways to leadership are fraught with obstacles: gender-based violence, limited access to educational, financial and political resources, patriarchal party structures and cultural norms that constrain women’s public participation.[5] Moreover, women are often channelled into symbolic or “soft” leadership roles with limited real power.[6] The underrepresentation of women has far-reaching social, political and economic consequences. The diversity in leadership positions increases the innovative strength, crisis resilience and social coherence. Female leadership gains strategic importance: women often lead in a more inclusive, dialogue-oriented and sustainable way.[7]

Barriers to Female Political Leadership in Kenya

Women in Kenya face numerous and interlinked barriers to political leadership. These barriers can be broadly grouped into structural, institutional and cultural barriers that limit women's access, participation and influence within to leadership in governance processes.

Structural Barriers

Structural inequalities rooted in Kenya’s social and economic systems continue to hinder women's political participation. One of the key challenges to women’s empowerment in Kenya is the disparity in educational attainment. According to national statistics, only 8.17% of women in Kenya achieve a higher level of education than primary education (51.31%) and secondary education (32.25%). [8] This impacts their eligibility and competitiveness in political contests, where higher qualifications are often valued. In addition, the costs of engaging in politics have increased significantly. Women are disproportionately affected, as they generally have lower access to financial resources and economic networks. This includes the high costs of campaign financing, safety measures and media outreach – areas where male candidates often benefit from entrenched patronage systems and business support. Political participation also depends heavily on access to networks, most of which are male-dominated and exclusionary. Women need to navigate alternative social and professional networks to gain political visibility and support, but these are often underdeveloped or fragmented.[9]

Institutional and Political Party Barriers

Kenya’s political institutions and party structures pose some of the most persistent barriers to women's political leadership. Most political parties are controlled by male elites, who largely determine candidate selection and electoral support. Because informal networks play a decisive role in candidate selection and campaign support, and these networks are overwhelmingly male-dominated, women are often excluded from the spaces where real political decisions are made. As a result, women are often restricted to low-profile or symbolic positions, such as County Women Representative, while being discouraged or directly barred from contesting for other competitive positions like governor or MP.[10] This reflects a structural symbolic bias and reinforces gendered hierarchies in political institutions.[11] Moreover, inclusion mechanisms such as gender quotas are increasingly delegitimised through propaganda and are portrayed as undeserved favouritism, undermining both the credibility of female politicians and public trust in gender-based reforms. On top of that, many women in politics also experience limited access to political information, particularly regarding nomination processes, campaign strategies and legislative procedures. This information asymmetry puts them at a strategic disadvantage compared to their male counterparts.[12]

Cultural and Gender-Based Barriers in Rural Areas

Cultural norms and gender roles continue to restrict women's public and political engagement, especially in conservative and rural parts of Kenya. As described in the Social Role Theory by Alice Eagly, such cultural models assign women primarily caregiving and subordinate functions, thereby hindering their access to political and civic participation. Accordingly, in more traditional and conservative areas, such as rural Kenya, it is still expected that women should remain within the domestic sphere. This expectation is often reinforced through socialisation and community structures. [13]

Particularly in rural and semi-arid areas, gender roles are heavily influenced by patriarchal traditions. In such contexts, political ambition among women is viewed as a disruption of the social order, often resulting in community resistance or lack of support. Patriarchal structures further limit women's political participation through control over family and community resources, mobility and decision-making authority. These systems are reinforced through customary law and practices that prioritize male dominance in public affairs. [14] Hence, these regions lack female role models, institutional support and economic independence, further restricting their opportunities to participate in governance processes.[15]

However, the situation is further exacerbated for women facing intersecting layers of discrimination – ethnic minorities, young women, or those from informal settlements. Their exclusion is not merely a reflection of patriarchal norms, but also of an unequal access to political capital: networks, mentorships, funding and institutional backing.[16] Another concerning trend is the increasing use of sexual coercion and harassment against women engaging in politics during campaigns or within party structures. This not only deters women from entering politics but also threatens to delegitimize the progress made in female representation through nominations or quotas.[17]

A promising example of shifting gender roles can be observed in the semi-arid Kitui County in eastern Kenya marked by strong patriarchal traditions. In recent years, beekeeping – a livelihood traditionally dominated by men – has increasingly been adopted by women through Community Interest Producer (CIP) groups.[18] These interventions enabled women to engage in income-generating activities that enhanced their bargaining power within families and communities. As they became economically active, women also participated more in joint decisionmaking within the groups – a domain previously dominated by men. This case illustrates how culturally embedded gender norms can be incrementally challenged through economic empowerment. However, the shift in roles often remains confined to the economic domain, while political leadership continues to be perceived as male territory. The beekeeping model in Kitui should thus be seen as a functional entry point, not a comprehensive solution to gender inequality.[19]

In contrast, urban centres like Nairobi offer women greater opportunities, including access to resources, education and networks crucial for political and economic leadership. The city provides role models through women in leadership positions in the private sector and civil society, fostering a more supportive environment for political engagement. Women-led tech cooperatives and civic organisations (e.g. in Kibera and Mathare) also serve as alternative leadership spaces, combining service provision with political advocacy. Nairobi's urban setting offers better access to funding, mentorship and institutional support, which are often limited in rural areas like Kitui, enabling women to break into political and economic decision-making processes. Nevertheless, women in urban settings still face challenges. Political structures are often still dominated by men, making access to crucial positions difficult. Additionally, women in urban areas are not immune to sexual harassment and political violence during campaigns or within party structures, hindering their ability to fully participate in the political process. Further difficulties arise for women from marginalized urban communities, such as ethnic minorities or those living in informal settlements in Nairobi as they often have limited access to the political networks and resources necessary to break into political careers. Hence, even in Nairobi, societal structures are not always inclusive, making it harder for women from these disadvantaged communities to climb the political ladder.[20]

The comparison between Kitui and Nairobi underscores the need for context-sensitive approaches in addressing gender inequality. While rural interventions may need to focus on creating pathways through economic roles as stepping stones, urban initiatives must prioritize institutional support and political integration. Both settings illustrate that leadership emerges through different pathways, and successful interventions should link these grassroots efforts to formal governance structures to ensure sustainable impact. While economic empowerment, such as through beekeeping in Kitui, can incrementally challenge cultural norms, it is still essential to see such models as part of a broader strategy that must eventually engage with political structures for long-term progress in women’s leadership.

In summary, while gender roles and cultural expectations continue to restrict women’s political engagement across Kenya, the experiences of rural areas like Kitui and urban centres like Nairobi highlight the diverse challenges and opportunities women face in navigating these restrictions. The path to political empowerment is multifaceted and needs to account for both the economic and institutional aspects of gender inequality.

Strategic Importance to Strengthen Female Leadership for Kenya’s Development

Female leadership in Kenya transcends questions of gender justice – it constitutes a cornerstone for inclusive governance and sustainable development in a structurally vulnerable society. Kenya continues to grapple with political volatility, environmental insecurity and widespread socioeconomic inequality. In such contexts, the inclusion of women in leadership roles is not merely desirable but essential for cultivating a resilient and people-centred governance model. 

In the Kenyan context, research has shown that women in leadership roles often bring a transformational approach to governance. This style tends to include participative decision-making, a focus on long-term outcomes, and a strong connection to community needs.[21] These qualities can be especially valuable in fragile systems, where traditional top-down governance has sometimes struggled to deliver lasting results at the local level.[22]

Moreover, female leadership enhances the democratic legitimacy of governance structures by broadening the representational base of political institutions. In regions where legitimacy crises are frequent – particularly in the aftermath of Kenya’s contested elections – women often play a pivotal role in peacebuilding and interethnic dialogue. Their close connections to civil society networks equip them with a unique ability to identify emerging tensions and respond with conflict-sensitive solutions. This function as intermediaries is crucial for maintaining social cohesion in ethnically diverse regions.[23] From an economic standpoint, the empowerment of women leaders contributes to more equitable resource allocation. Studies show that women are more likely to direct budgetary priorities towards social infrastructure such as health, education and water access, which yields broader developmental returns.[24] Hence, gender-sensitive governance can lead to direct, measurable improvements in quality of life for underserved communities.

Crucially, female political visibility fosters a ripple effect: women who break into leadership roles in governance processes inspire others to enter public life. This symbolic representation is not trivial – it actively disrupts existing power structures and creates room for alternative leadership models.[25] Programmes that combine capacity-building, institutional access and visibility campaigns for female leaders should be considered strategic development interventions rather than marginal gender reforms.[26]

Discussion and Conclusion

Despite progressive constitutional reforms and increasing female representation, the reality of women in leadership roles in Kenya remains shaped by persistent structural, institutional and cultural barriers. While the Two-Thirds Gender Rule in the Constitution represent significant legal achievements, their implementation has been limited. The representation of women remains low across political and administrative levels, with women disproportionately occupying symbolic or marginal positions, rather than roles with real decision-making power. This analysis reveals that the barriers women face are deeply interconnected and mutually reinforcing. Structural inequalities – such as limited access to quality education, financial resources and political networks – restrict the entry of women into political life. Institutional barriers within party systems further entrench male dominance, narrowing the space for meaningful female participation. Cultural and gender-based barriers, particularly in rural areas like Kitui, continue to perpetuate the expectation that women belong in the domestic sphere.

The contrast between urban and rural contexts, illustrated through the examples of Nairobi and Kitui, demonstrates that pathways into leadership are context-specific and shaped by local socio-political realities. In Kitui, economic participation through community-based initiatives can open space for incremental shifts in gender roles. Yet these remain largely confined to the economic domain and rarely translate into political authority. Nairobi, on the other hand, offers more visible civic platforms but also exposes women to new forms of competition, fragmentation, political marginalisation and informal exclusion. The contrast highlights the importance of locally contextual-adapted strategies. 

To summarise, female leadership often emerges outside formal political institutions. Recognising and valuing these alternative leadership spaces is essential for de-signing inclusive governance models. However, without institutional anchoring, such leadership remains vulnerable to co-optation, burnout or marginalisation. Therefore, long-term impact depends on linking informal agency with formal structures of power. Moreover, female leadership has proven strategic importance beyond the pursuit of gender parity. Women leaders bring distinct approaches to governance: more participatory, empathetic, inclusive and oriented towards long-term community needs. In fragile governance systems, these qualities are not just beneficial – they are essential for resilience, innovation and social cohesion in Kenya. Yet symbolic visibility alone is not sufficient. Without access to real decision-making power, institutional support and protection from gender-based violence, symbolic breakthroughs risk becoming isolated exceptions rather than systemic shifts.

Crucially, many of the barriers identified are not static. They are socially produced and therefore transformable. This dynamic nature means they can also be transformed – but doing so requires coordinated, cross-sectoral and sustained efforts. However, dismantling them will require more than legislative adjustments. It will take coordinated action across government, political parties, civil society and international partners. Equally important is the need to build female solidarity and mentorship networks to ensure that leadership is not only achieved but sustained and scaled.

As the country confronts deep-rooted inequality, political volatility and development challenges, harnessing the full potential of women leaders is essential for sustainable progress. This report demonstrates that while the aim is to increase female participation and improve gender inclusion, efforts that were made remain largely symbolic without deeper structural transformation. Achieving lasting change will require a political will to implement within a strategic, multi-level approach – one that recognises the value of female leadership not only as a matter of justice but as a critical driver of inclusive governance and national resilience.

1. IEA Kenya (2024): Women’s Participation in Leadership and Governance in Kenya. Full Survey Report. Nairobi, Kenya: The Institute of Economic Affairs, pp. 22-24. Available at: https://weehub.ku.ac.ke/wp-content/uploads/2024/04/Womens-Participation-in-Leadership-and-Governance-in-Kenya.pdf (accessed: 29th of July 2025).
2. Republic of Kenya (2010): The Constitution of Kenya. Nairobi, Kenya: National Council for Law Reporting. Articles 27(8) and 81(b). Available at: http://www.parliament.go.ke/sites/default/files/2023-03/The_Constitution_of_Kenya_2010.pdf(accessed: 29th of July 2025).
3. UN Women (2023a): Country Gender Equality Profile: Kenya. Nairobi, Kenya: UN Women Africa, p. 33. Available at: https://africa.unwomen.org/en/digital-library/publications/2024/02/country-gender-equality-profile-kenya (accessed: 29th of July 2025).
4. IPU Parline (2025): Monthly ranking of women in national parliaments. IPU Parline. Available at: https://data.ipu.org/women-ranking?month=10&year=2023 (accessed: 29th of July 2025).
5. Kenyatta, G. N. (2023): The Political Participation of Women in Kenya, in: Journal of International Women’s Studies, 25 (2), pp. 145-160.
6. UN Women (2024): Key Messages on Women’s Rights, Empowerment and Equality: Electoral and Political Participation 2024. New York: UN Women, pp. 1-3. Available at: https://www.unwomen.org/sites/default/files/2024-06/in-brief-key-messages-on-womens-rights-empowerment-and-equality-electoral-and-political-participation-en.pdf (accessed: 29th of July 2025).
7. Berry, M. E.; Bouka, Y. & Kamuru, M. M. (2020): Implementing Inclusion: Gender Quotas, Inequality, and Backflash in Kenya, in: Politics & Gender, 17(4), pp. 15-19.
8. IEA Kenya (2024), pp. 27-28.
9. UN Women (2023b): PAMBANA! Political Economy Analysis of Women and Participation in Politics in Kenya. Implications for UN Women programme strategies. Nairobi, Kenya: UN Women, pp. 16-17. Available at: https://africa.unwomen.org/en/digital-library/publications/2023/06/political-economy-analysis-of-women-and-participation-in-politics-in-kenya (accessed: 29th of July 2025).
10. Ibid., pp. 15-16, 21-24.
11. Kiamba, J. M. (2008): Women and Leadership Positions: Social and Cultural Barriers to Success, in: wagadu – a journal of transnational Womens & Gender Studies, 6(12), pp. 7-26.
12. UN Women (2023b), pp. 23-24.
13. Eagly, A. H., Woo, W. & Diekman, A. B. (2000): Social Role Theory of Sex Differences and Similarities: A Current Appraisal, in: T. Eckes & H. M. Trautner (eds.): The Developmental Social Psychology of Gender. New York, USA: Psychology Press, pp. 123-174.
14. UN Women (2023b), pp. 12-13.
15. Berry, M. E.; Bouka, Y. & Kamuru, M. M. (2020), pp. 11-13.
16. Kahi, C. I. (2024): Implications of intersectionality on Women’s Political Participation in Electoral Outcomes in Githunguri Constituency, Kiambu County, Kenya, in: International Journal of Social and Development Concerns, 22(8), pp. 113-127.
17. UN Women (2023b), pp. 19-24.
18. Mburu, P. D., Affognon, H., Irungu, P., Mburu, J. & Raina, S. K. (2017): Gender Roles and Constraints in Beekeeping: A Case from Kitui County, Kenya, in: Bee World, 94(2), pp. 54-59.
19. Gassimu, B.-G.; Dorcas, K. G. & Elliud, M. M. (2024): Impacts of cooperatives interventions on forest conservation and beekeeping: a case study of Kamaki farmers’ cooperative society in Kitui county, Kenya, in: International Journal of Science and Research Archive, 12(2), pp. 969–975.
20. Kabira, W. M. & Kimani, E. N. (2012): The Historical Journey of Women's Leadership in Kenya, in: Journal of Emerging Trends in Educational Research and Policy Studies (JETERAPS), 3(6), pp. 842-849.
21. Njaramba, F. (2024): Transformational leadership in a crisis: Dimensional analysis with psychological capital, in: Heliyon, 1(16). pp.1-4.  
22. Moi (2025): Empowering Organized Grassroot Women as a Social Change Agent for Sustainability in Kenya, in: Open Journal of Social Sciences, 13(5), pp. 18-31.
23. International IDEA (2024): Women’s Political Participation: Africa Barometer 2024. 2nd Edition. Stockholm, Sweden: International IDEA, pp. 175-198. Available at: https://www.idea.int/publications/catalogue/womens-political-participation-africa-barometer-2024 (accessed: 29th of July 2025)
24. World Bank (2020): Women, Business and the Law 2020. Washington, D.C., USA: World Bank Group, pp. 9-13. Available at: https://openknowledge.worldbank.org/entities/publication/7502ec1b-038c-557d-849d-4fc4b26ff6fb (accessed: 29th of July).
25. Genga, C. A. & Babalola, S. S. (2024): Women and Leadership: A case of the Kenyan and South African Banking Sector, in: Social Sciences, 13(9), pp. 456-469.
26. Berry, M.; Bouka, Y. & Kamuru, M. M. (2020), pp. 20-22.